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The Florida House Map

by: Progressive Florida

Fri Feb 29, 2008 at 10:32:43 AM EST


Update, Tally says below:

But, I would point out that for insurance against not gaining a majority in the State House, we need to get the FairDistrictsFlorida.org petitions signed so they can be on the 2010 ballot.

This is really important especially if we're not able to get a majority in the House. We don't want to lose all those seats for nothing.

There was some discussion over at FPC over the latest Democratic victory in the special election in the 32nd district. This makes it nine seats we've gained since the November 2006 elections, a really amazing accomplishment considering where we stood before.  Now the Republicans are down to a 77-41 advantage (with two Democratic-leaning open seats) and Democrats will certainly continue to chip away at these numbers in November of this year.

However I made this comment on the post that we should express some caution since most of these victories have been in Democratic-leaning districts and I wanted to go into my math.

This was definitely a terrific win in a red district. I give the party credit on this one.

I would note the fact we picked up most of the other seats had more to do with the previous state party being so terrible than this one being so great, since all of the victories except this one have been in Democratic districts according to my spreadsheets. Nonetheless I hope this victory is the start of something new. We will have to win these types of districts if we want to take back the state house and tonight it happened.

Besides the 32nd (special election), the 107th was also somewhat Republican territory, so a correction on that. Four more were in swing districts, the 51st, 52nd, 69th, and 120th. And three of the districts very Democratic-leaning, the 36th, 49th, and 97th.

In the past, I've posted on my methodology. When the FDP is saying seven of the nine districts are Republican-leaning, I'm not sure how they're getting at this but I would assume they're using Jeb Bush or Charlie Crist performance, which I don't think is a true barometer on the voting bahavior of the districts. Both Bush and Crist won by fairly large margins, so of course that would put most districts into their column. My estimation is if we go by that math, then we would be saying 85 districts are Republican-leaning and only 35 districts are Democratic-leaning. Basically we could call any victory an upset by that measure! While the state is gerrymandered horrifically, luckily we shouldn't have to overcome something like that. I guess we could also go by Bill Nelson data, which would put the districts in a more Democratic-favored nature, but that also wouldn't make sense since the election wasn't as much contested.

For my data, I'm using 2000 national election performance, that of Bush vs. Gore, which I think more fairly reflects the true performance of a district. Unfortunately 2004 performance data is not yet available or I would include that to get a more accurate picture. I would point out some of these districts have actually become more Democratic in nature and registration, like the 107th and 120th districts where Republicans have continued to see declines. So if anything, my data should be construed as too conservative in my opinion. Hopefully we'll see this come to fruition in November in districts like the 119th that Michael Calderin is seeking.

32nd District Gore: 43% Bush: 54% Nader: 2%

36th District Gore: 59% Bush: 38% Nader: 1%

49th District Gore: 59% Bush: 40%

51st District Gore: 49% Bush: 48 Nader: 2%

52nd District Gore: 50% Bush: 46% Nader: 3%

69th District Gore: 48% Bush: 49% Nader: 3%

97th District Gore: 57% Bush: 42%

107th District Gore: 44% Bush: 55%

120th District Gore: 47% Bush: 50% Nader: 2%

And here's my new data on Category Rankings

2000 Democratic Performance

Statewide: 49 %

Category 1: 70 – 100: 20 districts, 20 D, 0 R

Category 2: 60 – 69: 10 districts, 10 D, 0 R

Category 3: 54 – 59: 5 districts, 5 D, 0 R

Category 4: 47 – 53: 19 districts, 5 D, 13 R

Category 5: 41 - 46: 40 districts, 2 D, 39 R

Category 6: 31 – 40: 19 districts, 1 D, 18 R

Category 7: 0 – 30: 7 districts, 0 D, 7 R

Democrats particularly excelled in taking the swing (Category 4) and Democratic-leaning (Category 3) districts in 2006 and since that time. This would make sense from that standpoint that there was basically nothing left for us to defend since the previous FDP was so terrible and had our numbers at rock bottom (17 Republicans to 1 Democrat in swing districts and Republicans even had a majority of our lean Category 3 districts). Luckily we're still at this point for the next couple of cycles until most of their seats open up, so I think the momentum will definitely be on our side for the 2008 and 2010 years. And it's very important to take back the House or we risk losing the seats due to redistricting.

Essentially to take back the House we're going to need to take all 13 of those Republican-held swing districts and also take 5 of the lean-Republican Category 5 seats, which is why we should be particularly happy Tony Sasso's victory was in just one of those.

So that's what we need to aim for in 2008 and 2010, 13 swing districts and 5 Republican ones or some combination thereof while defending our own. It's certainly doable.

Progressive Florida :: The Florida House Map
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Thanks for the pep talk (0.00 / 0)
and for providing numbers that can give us all hope.

But, I would point out that for insurance against not gaining a majority in the State House, we need to get the FairDistrictsFlorida.org petitions signed so they can be on the 2010 ballot.


Right track, but use more accurate data (0.00 / 0)
Regarding methodology, I think you're on the right track, but let's use the best data possible.

Past performance is a much better indicator than voter registration.  Think of registration more like a trend or potential than an actual expectation.

Using data from 2000 isn't going to produce solid results.  It's too old.  Lots of new registrations since then (119 has grown by about 25%, for example).

Also, if you use 2000 data, it may be based on 2000 districts -- ignoring the redistricting done in 2002.

There may not be pre-compiled data on 2004 or 2006 elections by House district, but it's not hard to do yourself.  It will take time, especially if you plan to examine 19-78 districts (based on your analysis above).  Just look at precinct-by-precinct results in key races -- similar races when possible -- and overlay a matrix of which precincts belong to which district.

I know not every county's elections office has the data readily available online, but using Miami-Dade, for example, it doesn't take long to find.


My data (0.00 / 0)
Firstly, I didn't consider registration at all in this methodology. And the district statistics do take into account redistricting.

It would definitely be helpful to get data for the 2004 elections. If I have that kind of enormous time, I'll try doing it for at least some of the close districts.

I do think this gives us some kind of barometer, however. And like I said, certain districts definitely have become more Democratic while others have become less so. I think South Florida is one area that is going more on the Democratic side than before.


[ Parent ]
Okay, several points on this one. (0.00 / 0)
I'm not sure that there is any validity to using the numbers from 2000.

First off, you say that the redistricting is taken into account in these numbers, but I'm not convinced.  What is your source for these numbers and where to they specify that the numbers are based on 2002 districts and not 2000 districts?  These strikes me as very odd.  Being a trained political scientist and knowing how the process of researching numbers like these works, there isn't much reason to go back and retroactively fit new districts onto old data.  I can't see that there would be a lot of people clamoring for such research and there would be very little incentive to create it.  I'm not saying it couldn't happen, I'm saying without seeing something to verify it, I'm not convinced.  And if the new districts aren't included, then the 2000 data is completely irrelevant.

Second, basic scientific principles say that you can never use one data point as a valid bases for research or projection.  Unless you have gone into the 2000 data and controlled for the unique factors in each city, county, and precinct, there's no way you can know from one year if there were some localalized factor that skewed the data.  Beyond that, you also have to take into account things like any coattail effect, scandals, hot local elections, fund-raising, quality of the Democratic candidate and other factors that skew the data.  

Third, 2000 was a very long time ago.  In a state like Florida, with a high growth rate, things have changed so drastically since 2000, it's hard to see how we're even talking about the same state.  In 2000, Florida's population was just under 16 million.  Now it's nearly 18.7 million, a growth rate around 13%.  And this growth is almost 90% based on in-migration from other states.  This growth is not evenly dispersed, as some counties have grown at a rate of more than 50% since 2000.  Florida is not only one of the fastest-growing states, population-wise, it isn't typical growth, either.  The percentages of citizens 65+, nonwhite, Hispanic (particularly Puerto Rican) and a few other groups are growing at an even faster rate.  Again, these high-growth populations are not evenly divided around the states.  Add to that, in 2007 alone, you had 14.6% of the population move to another home in the state.  Project that backwards to 2000 and you may be approaching 50% of the electorate in Florida is different in 2008 than in 2000, be it new people in the state, people who have died or left the state, or people who have moved around inside the state -- many to different districts.  Personally, I've changed legislative districts six or seven times since 2000.  I'm far from unique in that.

The being said, some of the specifics on which districts are leaning which way.  In 2004, Kerry won 37 state house seats, the Democrats hold all but one—HD 87. Kerry received between 45-50% in 17 others:  The Democrats hold five. Two other Democratic seats are held -- in these Kerry got 41% (HD32) and 33% (HD11).

Even within one election, you can't look at the numbers from one race.  If you look at the comparison in 2006 numbers by district between Davis, Sink, Skip Campbell and Bill Nelson, you'll find wild variation from district to district.  

The overall point is simple.  The data you are using is flawed and violates basic principles of scientific research.  The data we need to have to come to clear conclusions on this stuff is not only unavailable, the level of sophistication needed within the data probably doesn't even exist.  Even if it did, it'd quickly be outdated.

So how do we do it?  We pick multiple data points over time and look for similarities.  Then we look at trends in that data -- use that to project forward.  We look at demographic characteristics and changes.  We look at registration changes over time as well.  We continue to incorporate new elections as they come in and toss out old data as it grows irrelevant.  This is why so many campaigns are based on unsound data, because the data is incredibly complex and difficult to accurately capture.  And it changes frequently.  The cost of having the most accurate data is beyond the finances of the state party, much less a particular campaign or a blogger.  This is one of the reasons we need a think tank -- and not just a volunteer one done by bloggers -- we need something with real money behind it to really crunch the numbers scientifically.  Otherwise, we are going to have, at best, very poor surrogates for reality.

Florida Progressive Coalition http://flaprogressives.org T. Rex's Guide to Life http://quinnell.us

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